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Table of contents



New York: Norton, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Time on the Cross. Rio de Janeiro: Record, New York: Vintage Books, O Escravismo Colonial. The Economics of Asymmetric Information. London: Macmillan Press, Paulo: Hucitec, Viagens ao Nordeste do Brasil. Barreto et al. O Abolicionismo. Recife: Massangana, Tese de Doutoramento. Aracaju: Funcaju, American Negro Slavery. Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Guanabara, Rio de Janeiro: Companhia das Letras, Viagem a Curitiba e Santa Catarina. Slave and Citizen ; the Negro in the Americas.

New York: Knopf, Elkins Such writers contributed greatly to Gilberto Freyre's theories One wonders how many historians who welcomed these ideas understood that they were based in part at least upon the inventions of former defenders and apologists of Brazilian slavery" Conrad, xxiii. Timothy Alben asked a federal judge to dismiss part of a lawsuit accusing him of contributing to the shooting of Wilfredo Justiniano by failing to put in place Whistleblowers in the alleged pork barrel scam including primary state witness Benhur Luy are worried about their safety after Leila de Lima and Jose Justiniano Justiniano was earlier rumored to be one of the strongest candidate to replace former Justice Secretary Leila de Lima who resigned to run for a Senate seat.


  • Meaning of "Justiniano" in the Portuguese dictionary.
  • Marketing Execs Widow: (women coming together to overcoming grief) (Executive Wives Club Book 1).
  • ÍNCOLA - Definition and synonyms of íncola in the Portuguese dictionary.
  • Translation of «Justiniano» into 25 languages!
  • Gallery of the Portuguese Pioneers – Preserving and Exploring the history of Portuguese-Canadians.
  • The Lost Princess Man (John Barnes Short Story Collection Book 3)!
  • El Agua es Azul (Spanish Edition).

Appointed in , he became prominent Justiniano Pena a pagar 22 anos de carcel por homicidio. Justiniano [online]. Portuguese words that begin with j.

Table of contents

Portuguese words that begin with ju. Martim arrives in time to receive his son from the dying Iracema. But a deep nostalgia for Iracema will characterize the rest of Martim's Ufe. Haroldo de Campos, the noted Brazilian theorist and poet, has proposed a laudatory reading of Iracema as a "translation. Campos empha- sizes the modemity of Alencar's "translational" practice, since "mak- ing" the target language "strange" by submitting it to the influence of the source language is a central concept in twentieth century thinking on translation Nevertheless, it must be remembered that Benjamin's idea of a literal translation — which reproduces the syntax of the source text and the language in which it is written — is the radicalization of ideas maintained by Romantic and post-Romantic thinkers and writers who were Alencar's contemporaries.

Commonplace words in the target language are replaced with what appear to be literal translations from Tupi. In this new linguistic context, these "translations" gain an added strangeness that eru-iches the text. The net result of this practice of foUowing a proper noun with its "translation" is to produce an untranslatable surplus and to make the reader aware of this.

Thus, the reader is made to realize the falsity of the promise of total transparency which the Portuguese language, Hke every language, claims to hold. Doris Sommer sees in his work the beginning of a "linguistic emancipation" that reached its culmina tion in the resolution of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies to cali the national 92 Iracema: Writing as Translation language Brazilian in For both critics, Alencar's work is not only ahead of its time, but establishes the basic patterns that Brazilian literature, according to Campos, and the Portuguese language in Brazil, according to Sommer, are going to follow into the twentieth century.

In Iracema's case, however, the "foreign" is presented not only as the most Brazilian element in the national culture, but also as its origin. By letting the "foreign" invade and permeate literary Portuguese, Iracema becomes a tuming point in Brazilian literature and language. Since the "foreign" in this case is the Brazilian Indian, one could talk about the "retum of the repressed" — in both a historical and psychoanalytic sense — calling into question the language and culture of the conquerors.

An additional twist is added by the fact that what is linguistically "foreign," the Tupi language, is, from a cultural, histori- cal, geographical, and even racial point of view, seen by Alencar as the Mester, Vol. I Spring, 93 source — "the fonte" — of Brazil But despite the favorable interpretation advanced by these critics, Alencar 's " transia tional" practice is not lacking in ambiguities or contradictions.

In his linguistic inventions, Alencar takes into account the reader's expectations, what seems "to the reader natural in the mouth of savages. An example of this disregard for the source language can be found in the name Iracema. As I have pointed out, Alencar provides a Tupi etymol- ogy for the name, yet, at the same time the word is an anagram for "America.

An additional ironic touch can be found in the fact that the word "America" is itself European, created in honor of Amerigo Vespucci who may have never even visited the continent named after him Todorov Alencar's utilization of Tupi in his "experiment" is compatible with exoticism. Rather than a true experience of the foreign, it gives the reader an experience mediated by his or her expectations, and the author's parallel freedom to modify, or even invent, the "othemess" to which the latter claims fideUty. The manner in which Alencar's "Carta" describes this translational 94 Iracema: Writing as Translation project is also problematic.

Alencar refers to the Tupi language in contradictory terms. This image of the foreign language as a depository of flowers brings to mind one of Herder's reflections about translation: "But I walk through foreign gardens to pick flowers for my language, as the betrothed of my manner Mester, Vol. Rather than the target language submitting to the influence of the source language, we now have the target language dominating the source language, the latter becoming a storehouse of linguistic elements for the former.

Translation becomes a kind of collection. As Dante Gabriel Rossetti writes, "The only true motive for putting poetry into a fresh language must be to endow a fresh nation, as far as possible, with one more possession of beauty" She or he modifies the nature of the "source" text; he or she takes "wild" flowers and cultivates them.

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Escravidão "suave" no Brasil: Gilberto Freyre tinha razão?

In fact, the quotation from Alencar could be read as privileging the act of cultivation, of changing a "natural" process to an artificial one like floriculture or agriculture, of changing a natural wildemess into a garden. From the above, it is clear that Alencar presents his translational project in diametrically opposed terms. Theref ore, the just praise of Alencar's "translational" achieve- ments has often been done through an erasure of his own contradictory aims, images, and proposals. They must be faithful to the original text and its source language, and, at the same time, be faithful to the target language.

Alencar's hesitation between favoring the source language Tupi and devaluing it, which implies valuing Portuguese over it , is only an extreme case of the quandary that characterizes translation: a double fidelity that is impossible. Alencar's contradictions also parallel another related topic in trans- lation theory: that of translation as questioning, and even subverting, hierarchical relations of origin and supplement.

One must remember that if at one level Iracema possesses transla- tional aspects and can be studied as a translation, it is an autonomous text, and that to talk about translation when dealing with it is, to a large extent, a figure of speech rather than an accurate description. After all, Iracema, in spite of its opening to the Tupi language, is not the transla- tion of an earlier Tupi text, but rather an "original" text written by Mester, Vol.

Nevertheless, as I pointed out earlier in this essay, the ambiguities present in the theory and practice of translation are also manifested at the levei of the story told in Alencar's novel. As Doris Sommer points out, Iracema "resumes the pattem of chronicles that record endless meetings between white conquerors and easy Indian conquests" But what is interesting about the novel is precisely the way in which Alencar complicates this archetypical story. The relationship between Iracema and Martim differs from other "endless meetings" chronicled.

Iracema, on the contrary, is clearly the active partner, while Martim is characterized by his passivity. In order to become Tupi, Martim undergoes a ceremony where Poti and Iracema not only paint, but, to use the narrator's word, "write" on Martim's body: "Depois variaram os cores, e muitos guerreiros costumaram escrever os emblemas de sus feitos" 67 — "They also varied the colors, and many warriors used to write the emblems of their deeds.

The ceremony concludes with Iracema giving Martin a Tupi name: Cotiabo — the one that has been painted on. The novel here has practically reversed the "pattem" Sommer writes about: the conqueror has been conquered, the seducer seduced. Martim even changes his name. Furthermore, the initiation ceremony is characterized by Martim's complete passivity, while Iracema and Poti act write on his body. It is interesting that the reaffirmation of Martim's Portuguese identity Mester, Vol. It is claimed that this word describes a a f eeling not only characteristic of Portuguese and Brazilian cultures but exclusive to them, although it belongs to the same semantic field as the English word nostalgia.

The uniqueness of the word "saudade" is evidenced in the maintenance of the Portuguese word in the English transia tion. At the end of the novel, when Martim returns, his brief Tupi identity as Cotiabo is completely forgotten. He establishes a Portu- guese settlement, and brings with him a Catholic Priest. Nevertheless, the novel is unusual in its hesitation between which pole of the binary opposition to favor. The end result is a novel where each of these characters is dominant and active during part of the narrative.

White Negritude

Only at the end are Portuguese colonialism, patiiarchy, and language, fully established, but at the price of nostalgia and sadness. Although the outcome — establishment of patriarchy and Portuguese superiority — is not fully subverted, an element of doubt is present in the narrative's ending. It is noteworthy Mester, Vol. More- over, the conqueror's emotions are not meaningless. After ali, "a agra saudade" 87 — " the bitter Saudade" — implies a lack that sub- verts any claim to hegemonic completion. Even the phrase, "will give rise to history and growth," coincides with Alencar's belief Ln the capacity of a Tupi influenced Brazilian Portuguese which is a language produced by a translational process to produce "o verdadeiro poema nacional" 89 — "the true national poem.

As David Haberly points out, Iracema is a "highly symboUc etiology of the creation. Iracema is a creation myth that is built on the contact between two cultures: the Indian and the Portuguese. Rather than the imposition by force of one culture over the other, translation presents the apparent voluntary 1 02 Iracema: Writing as Translation submission of the target language to that of the other. And since translation can be seen as being part of intercultural relationships — as the Romantics proclaimed — it can be interpreted synechdochally as presenting an ethical model that contrasts with the brutal reality of imperialism and domination.

A problem arises when one compares the "myth" created by Alencar with the "reaHty" of Portuguese conquest and colonization. But even the most sununary review of the nation's history shows Alencar's description to be false. For instance, John Hemming has calculated that from the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, , to the Amerindian population decreased from 2,, to , Alencar presents a rewriting of a history of violence into a myth of the tragic love affair between Iracema and Martim.

Interestingly, "myth" was considered the highest form of translation during the Romantic period Berman Novalis wrote: "The novel, as it were, is free history — the mythology of history, as it were" qtd. Yet precisely by writing a novel that is "the mythology of history" — and the "history" in question is the conquest of Mester, Vol. The principal psychological and politicai need being that of establishing a sense of politicai and histori- cal difference for the new Brazilian Republic with respect to Portugal Sommer Therefore, the homology between Alencar, as a "trans- lational" writer, and as a creator of historie, social, and politicai myths is close to perfect.

Alencar in both aspects of his work suppresses elements of the Tupi culture, language, and history, in deference to the Brazilian readers' expectations and needs. Jaguaribe" , because they are not included in Isabel Burton's English translation of the novel. All other quotations from Iracema are taken from her translation. She has also made her translation even "stranger" than the Portuguese original. Another example can be found on page 96, where the original "cabana" — cabin, hut — becomes "wigwam. Taylor, in his A Portuguese-English Dictionary translates "saudade" as: "longing, yearning for someone ; 'memory imbued with longing'; fond remembrance; nostalgia, homesickness" See Bums Isabel Burton.

New York: Fertig, Benjamin, Walter. Harry Zohn. Schulter, Rainer and John Biguenet. Chicago: U of Chicago P, Berman, Antoine. Bums, E. A History of Brazil. Campos, Haroldo de. New York: Garland, Caracas: EFHE, Derrida, Jacques. Joseph F. Ithaca N. Joseph Graham. Difference in Translation. Haberly, David. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, Hemming, John. Jara, Rene and Nicholas Spadaccini. Jara and Spadaccini. Rossetti, Dante, Gabriel. Sommer, Doris.

Berkeley: U of California P, Taylor, James L. A Portuguese-English Dictionary. The Morais ofHistory. Alyson Waters. Wasserman, Renata R. Ithaca: ComeU UP, Interest in this study derives from the fact that the Columbus letter, published early in April, , barely a month after Ferdinand and Isabella received Columbus in Barcelona, constitutes the first published news of the discovery of the New World, gained wide distribution, and continued to be the only published account available at the time of the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Alvares Cabral in For the purposes of this paper, however, the fact that the letter was published, revealing "las Yndias" to the westem world, is enough.

What Columbus f ound was a number of islands that he supposed signaled the periphery of that great amorphous place the travellers, writers and map makers of those days called "las Yndias", some of whose off shore islands appeared on the maps of the time more or less where they were supposed to be, according to Columbus' view, that is to say, to the west of Europe in the Ocean Sea. In other words, Columbus believed that the distribution and orientation of the world indicated on the maps he knew were relatively correct.

Some of the islands were larger than England and Scotland combined, he claimed. There were high mountains and great plains rich in flora, fauna, minerais, and abundant fresh water, ideal for both grazing and farming, and great forests with ali manner of trees. And that was not ali, it could also do so as well for aU Christendom.

He also believed that there was rhubarb and cinnamon there, as well as "a thousand significant things I shall find, that the people that I leave there will have found.

Synonyms and antonyms of íncola in the Portuguese dictionary of synonyms

Therefore, the Portuguese crown, as far as Cabral's armada was concerned, had no interest in China, Japan or, for that matter, the "Indies" of the Ocean Sea. Although the Portuguese were disappointed that it apparently had no gold or minerais of any kind, it did possess mountains and broad plains covered by forests of huge trees, many rivers, good air, an abundant supply of fresh water, and large safe harbors.

They had long hair and were said to be ferocious and to eat raw, human flesh, and in their many canoes, rob and pillage the inhabitants of the other islands. They were the ones who had contact with the women "without marriage", who had no feminine activities, used bows and arrows, covered themselves with sheaths of copper, and who inhabited the first island toward Spain, where there were no men.

The vast majority of the natives Columbus foimd, however, were very different. They were very numerous and are described in the letter as living in a State of Edenic innocence in an idyUic land of plenty, where they went naked "andan todos desnudos, honbres y mugeres, asy como sus madres les paren" , although some women covered their sex with a leaf-like affair of cotton made for the purpose. So well disposed and pliant were the natives, the letter avers, that they could easily be converted to the CathoHc faith and thus gain for the Catholic Kings Heaven's rewards.

It also seems impHcit, given that so much attention is paid in the letter to the search for riches, that such a people could play a useful role in Spain's economic development.


  • The Kings Grey Mare.
  • My Only Vice (Mills & Boon Blaze).
  • Iberoromania;
  • JUSTINIANO - Definition and synonyms of Justiniano in the Portuguese dictionary;

They are depicted as having no sense of personal property and as being perfectly gullible in barter, trading gold and spun cotton for broken and worthless things. This was the only occurrence in which Caminha made a less than compli- mentary remark about any of the natives. On the contrary, he lauded them over and over again.

Although Columbus called them cowards because they did not use their bows and arrows as we shall see later , he generally made an eff ort to gain their good will: "A todo cabo aonde Mester, Vol. The Portuguese f ound the natives of the Ilha de Vera Cruz equally skittish and also sought their good will: Abasta que ate aqui como quer que se eles em alguma parte amansassem, logo de uma mao para a outra se esquivam como pardais de cevadoiro e homem nao lhes ousa de falar rijo, por se mais nao esquivarem e tudo se passa como eles querem, pelos bem amansar.

Unlike the Spaniards, the Portuguese took no prisoners. It was further decided that nothing should be done to upset the natives so that they would remain completely tame and peaceful: " Columbus gave the natives high praise for their intelligence and skill as sailors and as builders of canoes, noting that they knew the islands well, ranged in trade over ali of them, and had canoes that could hold up to eighty rowers, which they could propel at incredible speeds " This is the first pubUshed reference to the New World word, canoe, and, although eight years had passed since the word canoa had been put into circula- tion.

Caminha continued to use the Portuguese word of Arabic origin, almadia, to describe the dugout canoe he saw in Brazil. On the other hand. Caminha pointed out, however, that the natives never used them. Initially, he found them so fearful and skittish "con la gente [de Juana] no podia aver fablas, porque luego fuian todos"; "son temerosos a maravilla"; "como ya he dicho son los mas temerosos que ay en el mundo"; "fuyan a no aguardar padre a hijo" that it was almost impossible to communicate with them.

Columbus found little diversity among the inhabitants of the islands he visited with respect to their build, their language or their customs, but, strangely, he registered amazement that they all understood each other. During the weeks' stay, two masses were said: the first on Easter Sunday and the second on Friday, May first, the armada's last day in Brazil.

Translation of «íncola» into 25 languages

Columbus referred to the natives of the Indies as "men," "women," "persons," or "people," indicating that he was free from any theological problem in their regard, but in the letter he also called them "Indians" indios on four occasions, the first direct use of the term with reference to the natives of the New World.

Caminha 's remarks are much the same, calling them "men," "women," and "people," but there is no thought at all in Caminha's mind of relating the natives of the Ilha de Vera Cruz to "las Yndias," that figured on contemporary maps, or to India itself, which the Portuguese knew perfectly weU they were not near and knew, moreover, how to reach. The Indians had no socio-political-religious structures, as far as Columbus could determine, therefore he thought they could readily be converted to Christianity, as we mentioned before.

While Columbus does not specify the color of the race of men he encountered in the Indies, simply noting the they were not as dark as the men of Guinea suggesting a beHef in geographical determinism, for he refers to the Indies' higher latitude as the reason. Caminha called them "pardos, maneira de avermelhados," without making any comparison to peoples of other regions or climates. Columbus was not able to determine whether they hold ali property in common, but he observed that it seenned so, especially in the case of food " Although Caminha did not mention the concept, he did allude, albeit indirectly, to community property in his description of the natives' huge, one-room, thatched houses in which some thirty or forty Mester, Vol.

I Spring, 1 19 people were communally housed. Columbus referred to women several times but he did not single them out for description. We infer, as we noted earlier, that they wear their hair long. Caminha, unlike Columbus, described the natives in considerable detail, both men and women: how they painted themselves, how they wore their hair, the shape of their noses, and their fine features, including their total nudity and lack of body hair; he described how the men wore short hair and had lip plugs.

He also referred specifically to the genitalia of both sexes and to the fact that the men, like the Portuguese, were not circum- cised. To support that thesis, note that he took no criminais to be left in new lands, as had long been the custom of the Portuguese in their explorations, to leam the native languages, and he carried with him no stone markers to visibly establish his sovereigns' rights to his possible discoveries.

This thesis is further supported by the fact, as nientioned earlier, that there was no mention on Columbus' expedition of priests or members of reUgious orders on board, as Cabral had, to minister to the spiritual needs of his men or to engage in proselytization once they had reached their destination. On this occasion, the Portuguese expedi- tion didn't carry stone markers either, but it did carry exiles to be conveniently left along the way to leam native languages.

Caminha described the construction of the wooden cross that was set up, how it was carried in procession accompanied by the singing priests and other religious personnel, how it was planted with pomp, "com as armas e a divisa de Vossa Alteza, que lhe primeiro pregaram", as well as how the altar was prepared at its foot. We also know that the mass was said by Padre Frei Henrique on that solemn occasion. He saw them simply as willing hands in replenishing the supplies of future India-bound fleets. Columbus lays great stress on the debt owed to Providence for his discoveries.

Caminha's letter, on the other hand, was a quasi social letter of Information to his king to which, moreover, he appended a personal petition regarding his banished son-in-law. These differences are reflected in the content of the letters. The Portuguese, too, were on the lookout for gold, silver and other precious metais, but Caminha noted that the Ilha de Vera Cruz offered them none.

Caminha's account of the flora, fauna and material resources is straightforward and realistic, his tone is informal, even humorous at times, and his anthropologically detailed descriptions of the natives are those of a curious, tolerant, objective eye-witness, whose admiration and acceptance of the inhabitants of the Hha de Vera Cruz is virtually boundless. In short, the Columbus letter is egocentrical in tone and eminently politicai and economical in its import, whereas Caminha's letter is personal in tone and thoroughly objective and humanistic in its thrust.

I conclude that there is no evidence that Caminha had any knowledge of the Columbus letter. I shall base my study on Ramos' transcription. It would therefore be legitima te to understand this to mean that the Catholic Kings might well order the entire native population into captivity, a far richer prize, of course, than the relatively few Guanches and Muslims they had enslaved in the Canary Islands, in Granada or in northwestem Afiica, respectively.

Caminha's letter was retumed, along with others, from the Brazilian landfall on May 1, , on the supply ship that on Cabral's orders carried the news of the discovery to Lisbon. As we know, on his return to Fort Navidad on his second voyage, Columbus found it destroyed and the well equipped garrison he had left there slaughtered. Coelho had commanded a caravela. Ao sair em busca da cantora Dulce Veiga, o narrador procura toda a suavidade e autenticidade de um mundo que se perdeu. Mas como tudo um dia chega ao fim, Pedro sumiu no mundo e deve estar morrendo de AIDS, o que sugere que por mais que se lute Mester, Vol.

Na realidade, todas as vozes falam ao mesmo tempo, e oferecem pontos de vistas diversos a respeito dos mesmos eventos e das mesmas pessoas. Diz Linda, a sexta voz: " E se as abrissem, o que encontrariam? Das janelas que pinta para impedir que as pessoas da rua o espreitem, o narrador observa os movimentos dos vizinhos que ele desconhece. O narrador abandona o mundo porque um dia "o outro" o abandonou.

Tudo se transforma na vida do narrador com a chegada do marinheiro. Mas certamente ele se acenderia todas as noites para indicar o caminho da vida e da liberdade. Antes de amanhacer decide incendiar a casa. O trecho fala da obscuridade transluminosa que se encontra no negro interior do amor. Numa noite de inverno paulista, dois homossexuais se preparam para sair.

Ao lado da autenticidade do encontro. E viram que isso era bom" Morangos Mofados. Arenas, Fernando. Bloom, Harold. A Map of Misreading. New York: Oxford UP, Eco, Umberto. Postscript to The Name ofthe Rose. New York: Harcourt, Hutcheon, Linda. A Poetics of Postmodernism. New York: Routledge, Vieira, Nelson. Zilberman, Regina. Each novel relates the experiences of two men which suffer from intense psycho- logical disturbances and periodic emotional breakdowns as they at- tempt to cope with surroundings which defy familiarization.

They are outsiders trying to discover their own identities in hostile environ- ments. Carlos and O Desconhecido attempt to recover their pasts though an inspection of their childhood memories. Their psychological con- flicts and the resulting behavioral abnormalities are similar to symp- toms described by Sigmund Freud 's Oedipus Complex, stemming from a hatred felt for their fathers and a sexual attraction for their mothers. The translation of Totem and Taboo used throughout this paper will be that of James Strachey published in According to Freud, totemic culture is the basis of ali advanced civilizations.

In both Noite and Menino de engenho, elements either pertaining to or resembling totemic cultures resurface and are imposed upon the young characters. The explanation of the origin of totemism which will be used here is based upon both Freud's and a synthesis of several of Freud's analyses of the rise and fali of the primai father set forth in Patrick Mullahy's Oedipus Myth and Complex which organizes and avoids some of the contradictions found in Freud's early works; Mullahy's is therefore a synthesis of the Oedipal theory set forth in various stages by Freud and by his proteges.

The sons must hate their oppressor who is the source of their imposed ceUbacy Mester, Vol. This strange inconsistency is explained by Freud through his theory of ambivalence Freud The ambivalence theory states that love and hate are aspects of one emotional impulse; for this reason one later utilized tn this paper the son, who is a victim of the Oedipus Complex, must also identify himself with the victim of his crime. The totem relation crosses blood boundaries and its incest taboo forbids sex between members of a belief system as much as that between true blood relatives.

Just as the sons were forbidden to touch the other sons' mothers and sisters after killing the tribal father, now the males of the totem must renounce sexual relations with the woman belonging to their mythical father, the totem animal or plant. The origin of the totem is also the origin of the incest taboo and its prohibition of incest is the source of conflict for the son who, according to Freud, instinctively wishes to sexually possess his mother and other women belonging to his father's harem.

It is for this underlying social structure that the totem is inherited through the woman Freud While the origins of the totemic system are explicit in Menino de engenho, that of the patriarchal system in O Desconhecido's family are not revealed in the novel and the father laments his forced role as a primai patriarch ruling over four women "Casei-me com a Maria e com uma recua de tias" VerissLmo In Menino de engenho, after Carlinhos' father kills his mother in a fit of insanity, the child is taken to his grandfather's home, a hacienda or engenho.

Carlinhos' engenho is pre- sented as a type of primitive mythical society in which the white men of the engenho, except for the patriarchal grandfather, never have sexual relations with any white women. This is the beginning of the incest taboo within the engenho Santa Rosa. The white members of the commu- nity are part of the same totem and must seek outside this community Mester, Vol.

I Spring, for sexual fulfillment. When Carlinhos first arrives he must be taken to a swiinming hole and bathed in the engenho' s water because he is from the city, where- upon his uncle. The mystic beliefs brought to Brazil by Galdinha, the patriarch's wetnurse, transf ormed upon contact with the engenho, are more real to Carlinhos than those of the Catholic Church. The patriarch, therefore, is the religious leader and for the reason that he feels secure in his relationship with his God, the members of his totem are considered protected.

Their cormection to God is manifested through him and symboHzed in him. He is a primai father and in that role he prohibits sexual relations between the members of his totem yet he is the beloved center of their spirituality. Few facts are given in the text except for the father's rule over his wif e Maria, and her sisters, ali of whom act as O Desconhecido's mother. The son believes that his father will kill his mother, who is a virginal Maria and might therefore be subject to both adulation and sacrifice, and thus exile the child from the presence of his mother in order to ensure that incest not occur.

The totem community in Noite, however, is real only in the mind of the protagonist, who suffers from a severe estrangement from reality to the point of an emotional breakdown resulting in amnesia. Through an analysis of his neuroses and perversions which will follow, however, his environment can be seen as a totemic one controlled by the extended incest taboo and exogamy. The second section of this paper will analyze the two protagonists' sexual obsessions, arising from the fact that the object of sexual desire in both cases, a woman belonging to their social class or totem, is a forbidden one.

According to Freud in Totem and Taboo, the person who is prohibited from having relations with an object of desire searches for either new objects, as substitutions, or new acts which are not yet prohibited. There are, thus, two forces in conflict, the sexual urge and a repressive force which prohibits sexual acts within the totem. This repressive element is, in Noite, incorporated into O Mester, Vol.

The repressive father is replaced by a re- pressive force in his own mind. These obsessive acts are the sexual compulsions of both Carlinhos and O Desconhecido. In Menino de engenho the perversions of the men of the engenho are presented in detail by the author. Tio Juca vents his sexual urges upon the black prosti tutes which live on the engenho and brags of his exploits to the young Carlinhos who is approximately eight years old, as well as introducing the child to his lovers. Tio Juca's possessive urges with respect to the replacement objects of his desire are also observed when he chases Carlinhos from his room when the child is caught looking through the uncle's extensive collection of pomographic material Lins do Rego The child is too young to steal the uncle's women but his is able to obtain pleasure from the pictures, and this explains the uncle's openness with respect to the child and the women and his jealousy with regard to his pomographic collection because in the first case the child poses no threat.

Tio Juca has imitated the Primal Father's selfishness but with objects of substitution. His harem consists of prostitutes and pomography. Carlinhos' cousin Silvino is another of the males of the engenho whose perversions are proudly announced and also taught, through example, to the child. At twelve years of age he enters into an exhibitionistic sexual relationship with his African nanny Luisa. A realized male, therefore, within their repressive society con- trolled by the primai patriarch and the totem incest taboo, is one who imitates the patriarch and finds a harem outside of the totem commu- nity.

He has successfully emulated the patriarch yet not crossed the totem boundaries. He and the other males of the engenho are the frustrated victims of these obsessions, the result of the manifestation of a primitive totemic value system emergent in a reduced physical environment in the twentieth century. In Noite, O Desconhecido also must search outside his social circle for sexual pleasure, this search leading him, at seventeen years of age. Ate podia ser meu filho" Verissimo His obsession is for his mother, but upon this declara- tion by the prostitute, the relationship being established openly, he flees.

The taboo and the totem are established within his own mind and the exogamic prohibition of sex within the totem is enf orced by his own super-ego. This frustrated obsession to have sex with his mother is later replayed in the novel. She is even named Maria just as his mother is. That the primai father and the incest taboo has been incorporated into his psyche, as well as the Identification of his wife, a good woman, with his mother and therefore part of his father's harem, is revealed when he does have sex with Maria.

Me matas! Freud begins his discussion in Totem and Taboo by justifying his approach, stating that taboos in primitive culhires are similar to the fears and compulsions of neurotics and for that reason, the study of one would naturally throw light upon the comprehension of the other Freud 1. I have already partially discussed O Desconhecido's psychological conflict. She must remain an asexual character, only giving in to the fierce sexual brutality that manifests itself when the son relives the father's brutality in the sexual act.

It is this conflict that makes O Desconhecido unable to consununate his marriage yet causes him to see her as one of his harem who is coveted by the pack of tribal sons when she interacts socially with men at a party. Unable to under- stand his own internai conflict, he verbally attacks her: "Cadela indecente!